The Roberto Arzú García-Granados File

The Roberto Arzú García-Granados File

Final fines, a civil ruling in Miami, audio recordings, cross-complaints with the Public Prosecutor’s Office and a murder-for-hire accusation: the public record of Roberto Arzú García-Granados, the hopeful polling third ahead of 2027

September 2026

A year ahead of the 2027 general elections, Roberto Arzú García-Granados once again ranks among the hopefuls with the highest voting intention. The CID Gallup poll of May 2026, with fieldwork from May 7 to 20 and 1,200 interviews, placed him third with 13%, behind Sandra Torres (27%) and Carlos Pineda (23%). It is the same figure that pollster gave him in early 2023, before the Supreme Electoral Tribunal left him out of the race.

Born on May 15, 1970, Arzú is the oldest son of Álvaro Arzú Irigoyen, who governed as president from 1996 through 2000 and served as mayor of the capital until passing away on April 27, 2018. Together with his cousin Javier Arzú Tinoco alongside Rafael Tinoco, he established Futeca in December 1988; eventually, the enterprise expanded from soccer pitches into shopping malls and fitness centers, prompting him to divest his stakes to his cousins by 2012. After launching a presidential bid in 2019, he secured fifth place by gathering 267,049 ballots, which represented 6.1% of all valid votes. Having assumed the role of Secretary of Political Training for the Cabal party in November 2025, his pre-candidacy was officially endorsed by the organization in May 2026, marking his upcoming third run for the office.

His career includes at least eighteen episodes of conflict documented in the press: electoral sanctions, lawsuits, questioned business dealings, complaints before the Public Prosecutor’s Office and accusations of varying weight. Some rest on official rulings; others, on a single source or on anonymous sources. This report goes through them one by one.

THE 18 FRONTS

Details

1

TSE fine for early campaigning (2019)

First presidential hopeful sanctioned in 2019 for unregistered social media posts. Fine of US$80,000.

2

Revocation of his presidential registration (2023)

The TSE annulled his candidacy for early campaigning and a fine it considers unpaid. The Constitutional Court upheld the exclusion.

3

JJ Rendón lawsuit and arrest warrant for contempt in Miami

A Miami-Dade court ordered him to pay about US$6.16 million to the Venezuelan strategist and issued a warrant for his arrest for contempt.

4

Presidency of Comunicaciones F.C. (1994–2006)

He ran one of the country’s most popular clubs until its sale, amid a financial crisis.

5

Distrifarma and OMEGALAB: reported unpaid wages

His 2016 foray into pharmaceuticals ended, according to Nómada, with shuttered companies and unpaid wages.

6

Alleged unreported campaign financing

República attributes to him undeclared cash income and funds from Argentine businessman Hugo Sigman. He denies the financing.

7

Audio and deeds with “Paco” Domínguez, alleged leader of Los Caradura

An audio recording leaked in 2025 shows him discussing a debt with an alleged crime boss who had been murdered months earlier.

8

US$1 million loan attributed to funds from Marllory Chacón

A 2018 deed allegedly documents a loan that República, citing anonymous sources, links to the “Queen of the South.”

9

Complaint by Consuelo Porras for obstruction of criminal proceedings

The attorney general filed a complaint against him over a TikTok video. A judge denied his arrest and the Appeals Chamber rejected the Public Prosecutor’s Office’s amparo petitions.

10

Arzú’s complaints against Giammattei and the Public Prosecutor’s Office leadership

In 2023 Arzú filed a complaint against the former president and senior officials; in 2026 he extended it to prosecutors from the Porras era.

11

República GT accusation over an alleged murder-for-hire plot against Rodrigo Arenas

The outlet named him as the alleged mastermind of a plot against its director. He denies it and has announced lawsuits.

12

Earlier clash with Rodrigo Arenas (March 2026)

Five months before the accusation, Arzú and Arenas had already publicly accused each other.

13

Rumor that his U.S. visa was revoked

A newspaper reported, citing anonymous sources, that he had trouble traveling to the U.S. He denies it.

14

Political alliances: Podemos, Portillo and Cabal

His political vehicles and partners have been called into question: from Podemos to his current alliance in Cabal.

15

Rift with his family over the use of his father’s image

In 2018, the former president’s widow and four of his children rejected the use of his image by the party Roberto was returning to.

16

History of alcohol use and rehabilitation

Arzú himself has admitted to “a crisis with drinking.” Nómada reported two inpatient stays in the U.S.

17

Campaign promises: fiscal viability and security rhetoric

An economic analysis estimated that his main promises would cost billions of quetzales a year.

18

Army Stadium land and IPM–Futeca contracts

In 2016 the IPM leased a state-owned property to Futeca; the Comptroller’s Office objected. Arzú’s involvement is disputed.

1. TSE fine for early campaigning (2019)

On April 10, 2019, Arzú became the first presidential hopeful sanctioned by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal in that process. The authority documented 13 Facebook posts, 8 of them paid, and 11 on Twitter, none registered with the TSE, and classified them as early propaganda.

The fine for the hopeful was US$80,000, about 612,000 quetzales. As for the parties, published reports differ: one mentions US$80,000 for the PAN-Podemos coalition, while another states that each party had to pay that amount. On May 27, 2019, the TSE rejected the motions for annulment and made the sanction final.

2. Revocation of his presidential registration (2023)

The Citizens’ Registry initially rejected the Arzú–Pineda ticket, put forward by Podemos for 2023. On January 19, the TSE magistrates reversed that decision, and Arzú noted that the case files were closed on January 26. Later that month, the FCN-Nación party submitted an application for nullification, citing premature campaigning and an unpaid US$50,000 fine.

On February 6, 2023, the full TSE granted the annulment and revoked the registration. Arzú and Podemos maintained that the fine had been paid and that they had submitted the receipt. The Constitutional Court dismissed their appeals and on May 25 upheld the exclusion, based on 21 media monitoring reports and on the constitutional requirement of being “suitable, capable and honorable.”

Optimists labeled the ruling a calculated political vendetta; he argued that he had previously brought to light an inflated energy agreement under the Alejandro Giammattei administration, attributing his disqualification to “a faction headed by a sociopath and his domestic partner.”

3. JJ Rendón lawsuit and arrest warrant for contempt in Miami

In February 2016 Arzú hired JJ Rendón & Associates Strategic, the firm of Venezuelan political strategist Juan José Rendón, to prepare his candidacy. The relationship ended up in court: on November 15, 2016, Rendón sued him for breach of contract in Miami-Dade’s Eleventh Judicial Circuit. The ruling, dated October 11, 2018, set the amount at US$5.5 million plus US$660,594 in interest, close to US$6.16 million in total.

Arzú missed the court sessions held on April 4 and April 17, 2019. Consequently, Judge Bárbara Areces found him in civil contempt and issued a warrant for his arrest—a measure enforceable solely within Florida. His legal team contended that proper service of process never occurred and that he merely executed a letter of intent, branding Rendón as an extortionist. Meanwhile, the PAN, which was his political affiliation back then, emphasized that the matter was strictly civil and reaffirmed its backing.

“He has nothing in his name. He has no income of any kind, no salary, no allowance, the family gives him nothing, he has no assets, no fixed-term deposits, no shares, nothing.”

— Juan José Rendón, quoted by Nómada

Leaked chats unearthed during the legal proceedings further revealed that an individual named “Hugo” was slated to settle the debt owed to Rendón. Media outlets linked this mention to the Argentine pharma magnate Hugo Sigman.

4. Presidency of Comunicaciones F.C. (1994–2006)

According to Nómada, Arzú headed Club Social y Deportivo Comunicaciones between 1994 and 2006, alternating the leadership with relatives. In 2006 the club went through a financial crisis, including a players’ strike over unpaid wages, and was eventually sold to television businessman Ángel González, who took over its obligations. Part of the sports press attributed the difficulties to heavy spending on player signings, hotels, restaurants and transportation.

Arzú rejoined the club as an advisor on February 8, 2017, following a direct arrangement with González. Later, on August 31, 2026, amid pre-campaign activities, the Guatefutbol portal disclosed that he is attempting to regain control of the squad.

5. Distrifarma and OMEGALAB: reported unpaid wages

Distrifarma Argentina S.A. was founded in Guatemala during late January 2016, coinciding with the recruitment of Rendón. Its legal representation was handled by his son José Roberto Arzú Saravia, Osvin de León, and Carlos Gómez. Alongside OMEGALAB S.A., the distributor of “Sana Sana” products, this initiative signaled his debut in the pharmaceutical industry. Nómada asserts that Arzú maintained control over both firms despite his name being absent from official records.

One of the stated objectives involved selling vaccines to the State, a plan that never came to fruition. As Nómada reported, operations were halted by the firms just months later, resulting in pending salaries and pending lawsuits. Representing OMEGALAB was José Miguel Valladares Urruela, the brother of former Economy Minister Acisclo Valladares Urruela, an individual previously prosecuted on corruption charges.

6. Alleged unreported campaign financing

In November 2025, the digital outlet República reported that an audit had detected 558,000 quetzales in unbanked cash income in Arzú’s campaign finances, alongside unreported international funding, which the Electoral and Political Parties Law explicitly forbids. Hugo Sigman’s name had already surfaced back in 2019, when that very same publication questioned whether he acted as the hopeful’s financial backer, drawing on leaked conversations involving Rendón.

Back in June 2019, Arzú characterized Sigman as a close friend of over a decade who shared various regional representations with him across Central America, while rejecting claims of any financial backing from Sigman. Meanwhile, República reports that the total penalties amassed by Podemos during the 2019 and 2023 electoral cycles exceed US$100,000.

7. Audio and deeds involving “Paco” Domínguez, the supposed head of Los Caradura

Francisco Edgar Domínguez Higueros, alias “Paco,” was linked by the Public Prosecutor’s Office to “Los Caradura,” a street-level drug-dealing network operating in several areas of the capital. He was murdered on June 25, 2025, in the basement of a building in Zone 10, as he was getting into his armored SUV.

Toward the end of October 2025, an audio file featuring Domínguez and Arzú talking about a financial obligation started spreading around. Published reports present conflicting figures regarding the sums involved: El Metropolitano points to US$115,000 and cites Arzú dismissing it as “a deal between businessmen.” In the wake of this disclosure, lawmaker Luis Aguilar pulled his backing for Arzú within Cabal.

“Paco, we signed an agreement with you to clear the full amount… I’m pleading with you.”

— Statements credited to Roberto Arzú within the recording, based on the transcript by República

República additionally covered public deeds dating back to March 2019 that purportedly document liabilities totaling US$700,000 and 4 million quetzales payable to Domínguez, backed by shares in IHOP Guatemala. Arzú verified to La Hora that one of the dialogues is genuine, yet clarified that it involved television ad sales: “I have been selling advertising since I was 20.” He mentioned he had no knowledge of Domínguez’s criminal connections. He neglected to reply to República’s questionnaire. No official charges exist, and the audio lacks any public forensic examination.

The same outlet noted that Dora Reneé Cruz Navas, the notary who allegedly authorized those deeds, disappeared on July 17, 2019, and remains the subject of an active Isabel-Claudina alert. No authority has linked that disappearance to Arzú.

8. US$1 million loan attributed to funds from Marllory Chacón

According to República, a 2018 deed records a US$1 million loan granted to Arzú by Rodrigo Lainfiesta Rímola, secured with his inheritance rights to his father’s estate. The English edition of the report states that the loan was never repaid.

Citing unidentified sources, the outlet traces the funds to Marllory Chacón Rossell, “the Queen of the South,” who was convicted of money laundering in the United States. The document has not been published in full, and Arzú has not responded publicly on this point.

9. Legal action brought by Consuelo Porras regarding the obstruction of criminal proceedings

Attorney General Consuelo Porras lodged a complaint against Arzú concerning the obstruction of criminal proceedings because of a TikTok clip wherein he stated he would oust her from the Public Prosecutor’s Office. He was ordered to appear for his initial testimony on November 25, 2025, at the Ninth Multi-Judge Criminal Court, which is headed by Judge Selman Mario Portillo Vargas.

The hearing did not take place because the case prosecutor failed to appear; the Public Prosecutor’s Office cited “material impossibility.” The judge had already denied the arrest warrant and more than twenty raids requested by the prosecution, which moved to recuse him the following day. The hearing was rescheduled for January 14, 2026, pending that recusal motion. An Appeals Chamber later rejected an amparo petition filed by the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and Plaza Pública reported another rejection in April 2026.

In a separate proceeding, in October 2025 a femicide court barred him from speaking publicly about Porras, a measure it revoked days later. Porras left office at the end of her term, in May 2026. She has been on the U.S. State Department’s Engel List since 2021.

10. Arzú’s complaints against Giammattei and the Public Prosecutor’s Office leadership

On October 26, 2023, Arzú filed a complaint against then-President Alejandro Giammattei, Miguel Martínez and other officials for abuse of authority, dereliction of duty, influence peddling, obstruction of justice and cover-up. Prensa Libre listed eleven people named in the complaint, including TSE magistrates.

La Hora reported in October 2024 that the Public Prosecutor’s Office had dismissed the complaint against Giammattei and Martínez. On May 18, 2026, with Porras no longer heading the Public Prosecutor’s Office, Arzú reaffirmed the complaint and extended it to Rafael Curruchiche, Ángel Pineda, Cinthya Monterroso and Dimas Jiménez.

11. República GT accusation concerning a suspected murder-for-hire scheme targeting Rodrigo Arenas

On August 13, 2026, Rodrigo Arenas, president of the digital outlet República GT, denounced a plot against his life and those of his team, in retaliation for his investigations into narco-politics. On August 17 the outlet published the names: Arzú as the alleged mastermind, along with the President of Congress, Luis Alberto Contreras Colindres, and congressmen Luis Aguirre, Nery Ramos and César Fión. According to the statement, the meetings were held at “La Yeguada 10,” a property attributed to Aguirre in San Marcos, with alleged drug traffickers from Malacatán.

As of press time, the outlet had not publicly presented supporting documentation. On August 21, after going to the Public Prosecutor’s Office with his lawyers, Arzú stated that “there is no complaint whatsoever” against him; according to Infobae, the Public Prosecutor’s Office responded that the investigation is still ongoing. The U.S. Embassy shared Arenas’s video with a “zero tolerance” message, without naming names.

Arzú called the accusations “ridiculous and even stupid” and announced defamation lawsuits in Guatemala and the United States. Aguirre filed a countercomplaint and offered footage from his security cameras and polygraph tests. Contreras called Arenas a “psychopath” and “mentally deranged.” Ramos denied having taken part in any illicit meetings.

12. Previous confrontation involving Rodrigo Arenas (March 2026)

The dispute didn’t start in August. Back on March 5, 2026, during the “A Primera Hora” show on Emisoras Unidas, Arzú claimed that Arenas was financing his lobbying efforts using “questionable money originating from criminal syndicates and major corporations.” That very day, Arenas countered by stating that his advocacy work is funded through his own lawful wealth, while simultaneously alleging that Arzú maintains connections to Lainfiesta and Marllory Chacón.

República GT acts simultaneously as the author of multiple inquiries concerning Arzú and as an involved party in this dispute.

13. Rumor that his U.S. visa was revoked

On August 28, 2026, La Hora reported that, according to sources, Arzú had allegedly faced a restriction on traveling to the United States after his last trip, from July 17 to 24. That same day, claims circulated on social media that his visa had been revoked, a rumor that also extended to congressman Nery Ramos.

Arzú replied that he had just been in New York and Washington, and released a video from Mexico, which he said he had entered with his U.S. visa. Days later he spoke of an “influence operation” by the State Department against his candidacy. On September 2, Agencia Ocote concluded that there is no public evidence that he has lost his visa. The one who did lose his visa was his half-brother Álvaro Arzú Escobar, in December 2023, in a round of revocations targeting members of Congress; he regained it in February 2025.

14. Political alliances: Podemos, Portillo and Cabal

Podemos, the party he ran with in 2019 and 2023, was formerly the Movimiento Reformador and was dissolved in January 2024. In 2019, Con Criterio documented the influence of fugitive former minister Alejandro Sinibaldi over that congressional bloc. His 2023 running mate, David Pineda, was a defense attorney for former President Alfonso Portillo; some reports point to a rapprochement between Arzú and Portillo.

On November 9, 2025, during Cabal’s National Assembly, Arzú assumed the role of Secretary of Political Training alongside congressman Luis Aguirre, who took over as Secretary General. Edmond Mulet, the party’s founder, found himself pushed aside, ultimately departing Cabal while asserting that the organization “is falling into the hands of drug trafficking.” Notably, Aguirre is implicated in that very same República GT allegation.

15. Rift with his family over the use of his father’s image

Following his father’s passing, Roberto tried to secure a spot within the Partido Unionista, the political vehicle Álvaro Arzú used to run the capital; media outlets noted that his aspirations caused a rift in the organization. On December 20, 2018, he made public his comeback to the PAN, an outfit he belonged to until 2002.

That very same day, a statement surfaced on the former president’s Twitter profile, bearing the signatures of his widow, Patricia Escobar de Arzú, alongside Álvaro Arzú Escobar, Isabel Arzú Escobar de Arroyo, Diego Arzú García-Granados, and María Arzú García-Granados. Sorrow, unease, and total disapproval were conveyed in the text regarding the unscrupulous exploitation of Álvaro Arzú Irigoyen’s likeness by the PAN, an organization that had broadcasted footage of the former leader during the unveiling of its executive committee. Shortly thereafter, the message was taken down, omitting any direct reference to Roberto.

“No matter how much you raise all your children the same way, there are some the world leads astray, and there is no way to rescue them.”

— Isabel Arzú, the hopeful’s half-sister, in an October 2018 tweet cited by Nómada

Álvaro Arzú Escobar, then President of Congress, declined to comment on his half-brother.

16. History of alcohol use and rehabilitation

Back in 2019, Nómada disclosed that Arzú had twice undergone treatment at American rehabilitation facilities, noting his self-identification as a recovering alcoholic alongside family reports indicating he had maintained sobriety for four years then. During interviews, he has openly admitted to experiencing “a drinking crisis,” though without elaborating further.

In recent months, viral social media posts have insinuated that he currently drinks, without providing any evidence.

17. Campaign promises: fiscal viability and security rhetoric

Back in 2022, the media outlet Quorum evaluated his pledges relying on estimates provided by economist José Luis Moreira. Supplying gratis electricity across a decade would demand 7,104 million quetzales annually, representing 6.7% of the entire National General Budget. Meanwhile, a monthly university allowance of 1,200 quetzales would total 4,802 million per year for 400,213 scholars, surpassing the budget of the Universidad de San Carlos by more than double. Furthermore, nationwide drinking water access was planned to draw US$2 billion from international reserves, despite the Banco de Guatemala being legally barred from funding the central government. Additionally, the construction of one million residences was guaranteed.

On security, his rhetoric has been hard-line: the army on the streets, militarized prisons and the reinstatement of the death penalty. He opposed the CICIG. In 2017 President Jimmy Morales appointed him ad honorem special envoy to promote trade relations with South America. His 2019 slogan, “Make Guatemala Great,” was copied from Donald Trump’s.

18. Army Stadium land and IPM–Futeca contracts

On July 26, 2012, the Ministry of Finance transferred the site of the former Army Stadium, measuring 73,916.56 square varas and valued at 34.2 million quetzales, to the Military Social Security Institute (IPM). In February 2013 the law firm Lexincorp addressed a legal opinion to Roberto Arzú, as director of a company called Fideco, on the possibility of disposing of that land.

On January 22, 2016, the IPM finalized a pair of agreements with Futeca: a blueprint design contract alongside a fifty-year deal to construct and manage a roughly 15,000-seat stadium, complete with parking facilities and a retail plaza. Comptroller General Carlos Mencos raised objections, pointing out that the arrangement bore “the characteristics of a concession or usufruct,” which ultimately led the IPM to cancel the contracts in June 2016.

Accounts regarding Arzú’s involvement remain contradictory. At the time, Prensa Libre noted that he “did not take part in the deal,” whereas Con Criterio asserted in 2019 that Futeca functioned “in partnership with” him. Furthermore, during that same year, Futeca entered into an accord with the Universidad de San Carlos concerning the Los Arcos facilities—a move labeled unlawful by congressman Amílcar Pop. July 2024 marked the rollout of the Distrito Futeca initiative by the firm on the grounds of the former stadium.

Referenced Sources

· Prensa Libre — TSE penalizes Roberto Arzú for early campaigning (2019). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/tse-sanciona-a-roberto-arzu-por-propaganda-anticipada-en-redes-sociales/

· Prensa Libre — Arzú y Neto Bran no se libran de las multas del TSE (2019). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/les-saldra-caro-roberto-arzu-y-neto-bran-no-se-libran-de-las-multas-del-tse/

· Emisoras Unidas — TSE revoca inscripción de Arzú y Pineda (2023). https://emisorasunidas.com/2023/02/06/tse-revoca-inscripcion-roberto-arzu-david-pineda-2023/

· Prensa Libre — CC confirma que Arzú queda fuera de las elecciones (2023). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/cc-confirma-que-roberto-arzu-queda-afuera-de-las-elecciones-generales-de-guatemala-tras-declarar-sin-lugar-recursos-de-podemos-breaking/

· Emisoras Unidas — Miami civil contempt arrest warrant (2019). https://emisorasunidas.com/2019/04/24/corte-miami-orden-captura-roberto-arzu/

· Contra Corriente — The move by JJ Rendón against candidate Arzú (2019). https://contracorriente.red/2019/04/25/la-jugada-de-jj-rendon-al-candidato-roberto-arzu/

· Nómada — Despreciado por su familia, subestimado por todos (2019). https://nomada.gt/pais/elecciones-2019/despreciado-por-su-familia-subestimado-por-todos-roberto-arzu-se-lanza-al-estilo-trump/

· Prensa Libre — Roberto Arzú regresa a la cúpula de Comunicaciones (2017). https://www.prensalibre.com/deportes/futbol-nacional/roberto-arzu-regresa-a-la-cupula-de-comunicaciones/

· Guatefutbol — Arzú quiere volver a tomar el mando de Comunicaciones (2026). https://guatefutbol.com/2026/08/31/roberto-arzu-quiere-volver-a-tomar-el-mando-de-comunicaciones/

· Relato.gt — «Solo somos amigos» con Hugo Sigman (2019). https://www.relato.gt/elecciones-2019/roberto-arzu-solo-somos-amigos-con-hugo-sigman/

· República — Narco panqueques (24.11.2025). https://republica.com/politica/roberto-arzu-garcia-granados-quiere-ser-presidente-y-pretende-hacerlo-con-narco-panqueques-202511246540

· República — Breakfast with the Cartel (24.11.2025). https://republica.com/politica/roberto-arzu-s-breakfast-with-the-cartel-guatemala-s-leading-narco-backed-presidential-bid-202511249550

· El Metropolitano — El audio del líder de Los Caradura (2025). https://elmetropolitano.com.gt/es/el-audio-de-lider-de-los-caradura-causa-la-caida-de-roberto-arzu-en-cabal/

· Prensa Libre — Armed attack in zone 10 (2025). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/sucesos/quien-era-el-hombre-que-murio-en-el-ataque-armado-en-la-zona-10-y-que-estaria-vinculado-con-los-caradura-breaking/

· Emisoras Unidas — Disculpa pública del Estado (27.01.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/01/27/estado-guatemala-roberto-arzu-cidh-violacion-derechos/

· Emisoras Unidas — Homologación de la CIDH (19.11.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/11/19/roberto-arzu-cidh-resolucion-candidato-elecciones-guatemala

· Prensa Libre — Arzú’s hearing in the Porras case has been called off (2025). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/justicia/suspenden-audiencia-de-roberto-arzu-por-caso-relacionado-con-consuelo-porras-y-la-reprograman-para-enero/

· Emisoras Unidas — MP recusa al juez del caso Arzú (26.11.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/11/26/ministerio-publico-recusacion-juez-caso-roberto-arzu

· Emisoras Unidas — Arzú amplía denuncia contra exfuncionarios (18.05.2026). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2026/05/18/denuncia-arzu-ministerio-publico-feci-porras-giammattei/

· Infobae — Media outlet accuses a political leader and congressional representatives of plotting a contract killing (18.08.2026). https://www.infobae.com/guatemala/2026/08/18/guatemala-medio-de-comunicacion-acusa-a-lider-politico-y-diputados-de-planear-un-sicariato-contra-su-director-rodrigo-arenas/

· Infobae — Cruce de versiones por el supuesto plan contra República GT (23.08.2026). https://www.infobae.com/guatemala/2026/08/23/en-guatemala-continua-el-cruce-de-versiones-por-un-supuesto-plan-en-contra-de-la-republica-gt-y-ex-diplomatico-pide-al-estado-proteja-a-los-periodistas/

· Emisoras Unidas — Rodrigo Arenas responde a Roberto Arzú (05.03.2026). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2026/03/05/rodrigo-arenas-responde-a-roberto-arzu/

· La Hora — According to sources, Arzú faced travel restrictions to the U.S. (08.28.2026). https://lahora.gt/investigacion/smorales/2026/08/28/segun-fuentes-roberto-arzu-tuvo-limitacion-para-viajar-a-ee-uu-politico-lo-niega/

· Agencia Ocote — There is no public evidence showing that the visa was revoked (09.02.2026). https://www.agenciaocote.com/blog/2026/09/02/roberto-arzu-no-hay-evidencia-publica-de-que-haya-perdido-la-visa/

· La Hora — Arzú y Aguirre formalize alliance within Cabal (09.11.2025). https://lahora.gt/nacionales/diego/2025/11/09/luis-aguirre-y-roberto-arzu-formalizan-alianza-politica-durante-la-asamblea-nacional-de-cabal/

· Publinews — Álvaro Arzú’s family rejects the use of his image (2018). https://www.publinews.gt/gt/noticias/2018/12/20/familia-alvaro-arzu-rechaza-uso-pan-le-dio-imagen.html

· Quorum — Las tres promesas que podrían quebrar al país (2022). https://quorum.gt/poder/elecciones-2023/estas-3-promesas-de-roberto-arzu-podrian-quebrar-al-pais/

· Prensa Libre — IPM evaluates terminating the lease of the Estadio del Ejército (2016). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/ipm-evalua-rescindir-arrendamiento-del-estadio-del-ejercito/

· Con Criterio — Business between USAC and Futeca (2019). https://concriterio.gt/comision-de-transparencia-negocio-millonario-entre-la-usac-y-futeca-es-ilegal/

· Con Criterio — CID Gallup poll from May 2026. https://concriterio.gt/encuesta-torres-pineda-y-arzu-lideran-intencion-de-voto-y-thelma-aldana-emerge-en-cuarto-lugar/